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Reification and design

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Matt Raw's picture

Description
In order to develop his idea of communities of practice, Wegner needs to identify how people construct meaning. He asserts that "practice is about meaning as an experience of everyday life." In other words, I think he's saying that one has to understand how people make meaning in their daily activities if one wants to understand the practices in which these people are engaged.

He argues three things in this chapter:
1. A process he calls "negotiation of meaning" is what creates meaning
2. Two processes called participation and reification interact during negotiation of meaning. Participation is participation; reification is the process by which norms, mores, or a cultural environment become objectified (the claim from Vignette I is an example of a reified object).
3. Participation and reification constitute a duality. Wegner carefully cautions us not to think of these two as opposites on a spectrum, or participants in a zero sum negotiation of meaning game.

I'll go into more detail here than I normally might, since this reading is so dense and I feel like it would help my understanding to write it out. Feel free to skip ahead if this is a boring retread of what others have written. :)

Negotiation of meaning
Negotiation requires sustained attention. It is an active process that both is affected by and affects the environment in which the meaning is being negotiated. Wegner links negotiation as the product of negotiation of meaning.

Negotiation of meaning is an active process and Wegner identifies and unpacks two dynamics that most contribute to negotiation of meaning: participation and reification.

Participation and reification
Participation, too, is an active process, which comes as no surprise. Wegner defines participation as the "possibility of mutual recognition" (56), which is a definition that has interesting implications for the discussion of lurkers that occurred in class last week. Participation is also "a source of identity" (56) in that we define ourselves in relation to those with whom we participate in communication or an activity.

Reification
The process by which abstractions become objectified or codified in some tangible way. A series of reifications over time is often an environmental feature of practice: "claims processors are not the designers of the rules and forms they use, yet they must absorb them into their practice" (60).

Critique & Connections
By Wegner's definition of participation, I feel like he would assert that lurkers are participating in an online community. I'm intrigued by this, partially because it jives with how I think about lurkers

Reifications in online communities often take the form of designs (of forum software, of moderation systems, etc.). We see in the claims vignette that the reifications of prior participants in the community have traceable effects on the current participants. Certainly there are cases where prior reifications serve to make life more difficult for a community participant and cases where they improve in in some way.

I'm not sure I have a mastery of the concept of reification yet, but I think there's a discussion about design to be explored, especially design for the long-term and designing with future trade-offs in mind.

Nika's picture

Lurking.

"
By Wegner's definition of participation, I feel like he would assert that lurkers are participating in an online community."

 I am positive that Wegner would assert this as well. Thinking back to other readings we've had in this class (and of course I have my own personal interest in this topic), there are a few other authors who would support the idea too. For instance, Kim talks about the hierarchy of roles in online communities in chapter 4. The lurkers would probably consist of people who haven't quite moved up to full user status (newbies and visitors) or people who are transitioning to a less active role (users who are becoming too busy to stay users). Even moderators and administrators to some extent could be lurkers, in the instance of ones who are there primarily to clean up the garbage.

Oldenberg also gave me the impression that part of what makes the third place so special is that it's full of both people who talk a lot, and people who are just there, existing. There is no pretention, there is no forced conversation.
further, even those who take on the role of being the troublemakers (sort of anti-communitymembers) are still participating.

 

tensions and conflicts in online communities

I thought Nika's point in the last sentence relating to Wegner's definition on mutual engagement. He says that most situations with interpersonal relationships create their share of tensions and conflicts. From this point of view, troublemakers could be participants because disagreement and challenges are all forms of participation. However, I'm wondering whether we should distinguish those who disagree with others in a community from those who intend to damage a community. It seems that Wegner postulates that members interact with the joint pursuit of enterprise and that tensions arise from the interaction. When he says "rebellion often reveals a greater commitment than does passive conformity", he considers "rebellion' an effort to participate in a community. If someone generates tensions/conflicts without such intention (to participate), like those who repeatedly post trolls just for fun, I don't think s/he is participating because the behavior is not about relationship at all.

Lurking

I'm not quite as convinced that Wenger would include lurkers in a community of practice, because it's not clear to me how a lurker offers members of the community a genuine opportunity to interact.

A lurker could certainly adopt elements of a shared repertoire, provided they are reified in some way on the site, but he would be doing so only in isolation. He might even sympathize with the CoP's statements of purpose, provided those too are posted (reified) to the site.

But what possibility can there be for participation, mutual accountability, mutual engagement, joint enterprise, and a truly 'shared' repertoire?  By definition, the members cannot negotiate with a lurker. Unless at some point he becomes an active member, they will probably never even know he is there.

Wenger does argue that all our engagements with the world are social, even without direct interaction (p 57), but this is not the same as saying that a person who does not interact with a community is nonetheless part of that community. As Wenger writes elsewhere, practice is not abstract. "It exists because people are engaged in actions whose meaning they negotiate with one another" [emphasis added] (p 73).  But the lurker, so long as he remains a lurker, never offers members a genuine opportunity for mutual engagement.

Matt Raw's picture

Notes about shared repertoire for first paper assignment

Shared stories, routines, norms, inside jokes are all a part of shared repertoire...

In Cool Running:
Broad categories of shared repertoire: advice, motivation, reports/accountability, support

  • Couch to 5K program. Routine: weekly check-ins create accountability (hopefully motivation?)
  • Losing 20.06 lbs in 2006. Routine: accountability again, progress reports
  • Individual race threads. Routine: seeing if anyone else is running that race, getting advice about running a longer distance
  • Race/training reports: distinction between newbies (who get more support and encouragement) and those training for a race (who tend to post just weekly distances)

Identify a pattern and tie it to a need. Pattern of posting weekly progress reports supports the need of being accountable to others (as well as a basic recordkeeping need).

Affordance: something that is possible to do.
Shared repertoire: something that a member could do that a non-member may not fully understand. More likely to be understood by those within the community than by those outside.